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COMMENTARY |
The authors are with the Polio Eradication Initiative, World Health Organization, Geneva, Switzerland.
Correspondence: Requests for reprints should be sent to R. Bruce Aylward, MD, Coordinator, Polio Eradication Initiative, World Health Organization, 20, Avenue Appia, CH-1211 Geneva 27, Switzerland (e-mail: aylwardb{at}who.int).
| ABSTRACT |
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Twenty-five years after the eradication of smallpox, the ongoing effort to eradicate poliomyelitis has grown into the largest international health initiative ever undertaken.
By 2004, however, the polio eradication effort was threatened by a challenge regularly faced by public health policymakers everywheremisperception about the benefits and risks of vaccines. The propagation of false rumors about oral poliovirus vaccine safety led to the reinfection of 13 previously polio-free countries and the largest polio epidemic in Africa in recent years.
With deft management of such challenges by local, national, and international health authorities, poliomyelitis, a disease that threatened children everywhere just 2 generations ago, could soon be relegated to history like smallpox before it.
| INTRODUCTION |
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We examine the progress that has been made toward the eradication of poliomyelitis and the prospects for its completion, including the eventual cessation of polio immunization, against a background of recent events, both local and international, that have influenced these prospects.
| A GLOBAL EFFORT FOR A GLOBAL GOOD |
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Despite the global consensus to eradicate polio, the number of countries implementing the strategies initially grew very slowly because of limited promotion of the goal internationally, a lack of resources, and other health priorities both within and outside immunization programs.7 With the certification of polio eradication in the Americas in 19948 and the elimination of polio from China shortly thereafter, there was a rapid scale-up of the global effort, with striking examples of international cooperation. In April 1995, 18 countries of the Middle East, Caucasus, Central Asian Republics, and Russia launched Operation MECACAR, beginning a multiyear effort to immunize 85 million children against polio during synchronized national immunization days.9 In 1996, then-President Nelson Mandela of South Africa and 45 other heads of state from throughout Africa launched the Kick Polio Out of Africa campaign.10
As the result of these and similar collaborative efforts throughout the world,11 every country had introduced the key polio eradication strategies by 2000, including conflict-affected countries such as Afghanistan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Somalia. Globally, an estimated 10 million health workers and volunteers immunized 600 million children in 100 countries during multiple rounds of national immunization days in that year.12 By that time, a truly global surveillance and laboratory network had been established, with district-level weekly or monthly reporting from every country in which polio was endemic or recently endemic. More than 60000 diagnostic specimens from more than 30000 acute flaccid paralysis patients were being analyzed in the network every year to identify the remaining chains of polio transmission and target supplementary immunization activities.13
These national efforts were supported by a robust partnership that was spearheaded by the World Health Organization, Rotary International, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF). The polio partnership grew to include national governments, foundations, international humanitarian organizations, national and international nongovernmental organizations, donor agencies, the private sector, and development banks. The most extraordinary partner was the international service organization Rotary, which in addition to countless hours donated by its 1.2 million volunteers in 140 countries, contributed over US$600 million to the global effort. By the end of 2003, more than US$3 billion in external financing and US$2.5 million in in-kind contributions had been expended to eradicate polio in the countries in which it was endemic.14 The capacity to mobilize resources on this scale for a single disease control effort was very much attributable to the concept of polio eradication as a global public good.15 That all children everywhere might benefit in perpetuity from this initiative proved a powerful investment incentive to a broad range of stakeholders from community leaders to national health policymakers to ministers of international development and even G8 leaders.16
By the end of 2003, this international eradication effort had eliminated polio from all but 6 countries in the world, demonstrating that with the proper application of the eradication strategies and international cooperation, poliovirus transmission could be rapidly interrupted anywhere (Figure 1
). In the 6 remaining countries in which polio was endemic (Nigeria, India, Pakistan, Egypt, Afghanistan, and Niger), the disease was either highly localized or had been interrupted in large geographic areas, setting the stage for global eradication. Despite this extraordinary progress and massive international investment, in 2003 a series of misunderstandings and misrepresentations about the safety of OPV in 1 state of 1 country rapidly escalated, leading to the suspension of polio campaigns in that area, a nationwide epidemic, and the reinfection of many previously polio-free countries. For the first time in history, more countries suffered importations of polio than were actually endemic for the disease, putting the entire eradication initiative at risk.
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| STOPPING POLIO TRANSMISSION |
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By the end of August 2003, political leaders in Kano and adjoining states had decided to suspend the polio campaigns until the rumors could be addressed. Unfortunately, within months hundreds of children had been paralyzed in Nigeria as epidemic polio returned to the country. The virus rapidly spread from Kano to other states within Nigeria that had long been polio-free (e.g., the megacity of Lagos) as well as to other, polio-free, countries of sub-Saharan Africa (Figure 2
) and beyond, costing over US$100 million in emergency response activities.19 One of Africas most impressive achievements in health and international cooperation was at risk, as well as the global eradication effort.
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As of January 18, 2005, the "intensified" effort in Asia was on track. After a marked increase in polio immunization campaign quantity and quality, poliovirus transmission in India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan was highly focal, with 182 cases reported for 2004 compared with 336 in 2003. In all 3 countries, large-scale mop-up activities had been added to the national program to interrupt transmission as rapidly as possible. Although there continued to be widespread low-level poliovirus transmission in Egypt, the quality of eradication activities in that country had also improved markedly since early 2004. In contrast, sub-Saharan Africa was still experiencing epidemic polio; cases in Nigeria and Niger had soared to 788 (vs 395 in 2003), and since January 2003, a total of 260 children had been paralyzed in 13 previously polio-free countries by polioviruses that were genetically linked to viruses that had originated in northern Nigeria. However, the health ministers of 23 west and central African countries had initiated a series of massive, synchronized campaigns for late 2004 and 2005, targeting 80 million children, to get that eradication effort back on track for an end-of-2005 target.21
The success of this intensified polio eradication effort now depends on (1) direct oversight by all political, traditional, religious, and community leaders in each area in which the disease is endemic to ensure that every child is reached during each immunization campaign, and (2) action by the international community to close rapidly the US $275 million funding gap for intensified eradication activities worldwide during 20052006.
| STOPPING POLIO IMMUNIZATION |
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Although all these developments had for some time been deemed possible, these events began a new debate about the technical feasibility and wisdom of ever stopping immunization with OPV. This debate was further heightened by the events of, and subsequent to, September 11, 2001, most notably the use of biological agents for malicious purposes in the United States and the resumption of limited immunization with smallpox vaccine.25 Some argued that given the challenges of ensuring the safe containment of laboratory stocks of wild polioviruses in a postSeptember 11 world, and establishing and maintaining a vaccine stockpile of sufficient size to respond to future outbreaks, it would be necessary to continue polio immunization indefinitely.26 One commentator suggested that although the inactivated poliovirus vaccine (IPV) could provide population immunity while avoiding the risks of OPV, the much higher price of IPV made continued OPV a more appropriate strategy for developing countries.27
The potential "prisoners dilemma" that was emerging, in which the continued use of OPV after eradication of wild-type polioviruses might lead to the emergence of new virulent vaccine-derived strains, required acceleration of the ongoing research program to define the magnitude of these risks and potential strategies for dealing with them (Table 1
). More than 7000 Sabin-derived polioviruses were screened to search for cVDPVs, and collaborative studies were established with clinics that treated individuals with primary immunodeficiencies. Within 2 years, a substantial body of data demonstrated that cVDPVs and iVDPVs were in fact rare and posed decreasing risks with time after OPV cessation.28 All 4 cVDPV outbreaks had been rapidly controlled with mass OPV campaigns. Of the 19 iVDPVs identified to date worldwide, only 2 of the original hosts are still known to be excreting virus, with no evidence of secondary transmission. In addition, by the end of 2003, 157 countries had initiated the necessary nationwide survey of facilities for stocks of wild and vaccine-derived polioviruses and potentially infectious materials, and 81 countries, including the United States, had completed inventories.29
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| CONCLUSIONS |
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| Acknowledgments |
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| Footnotes |
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Contributors
The authors originated and developed this article jointly. R.B. Aylward wrote the initial draft, incorporating the comments of D.L. Heymann, and finalized the article on receipt of the reviewer comments.
Accepted for publication October 29, 2004.
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