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EDITORIAL |
Luisa N. Borrell is with the Department of Epidemiology, Mailman School of Public Health, and the School of Dental and Oral Surgery, Columbia University, New York, NY.
Correspondence: Requests for reprints should be sent to Luisa N. Borrell, DDS, PhD, Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University, 722 W 168th St, 16th Floor, Room 1611, New York, NY 10032 (e-mail: lnb2{at}columbia.edu).
| INTRODUCTION |
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There is significant variability among Hispanic subgroups. Mexican Americans are the youngest, the least educated, and the least likely to have health insurance, while Puerto Ricans are the least likely to be uninsured but have the highest proportion of unemployed people and are the most likely to live below poverty level. Cubans are the oldest, the most educated, and the least likely to be unemployed, while Central and South Americans are the least likely to live below poverty level. Finally, compared with non-Hispanic Whites, Puerto Ricans fare similar to or worse than non-Hispanic Blacks with regard to income, education, unemployment status, and poverty.
| LOOKING BEYOND THE HISPANIC PARADOX |
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For example, although Hispanics as a group have lower age-adjusted all-cause death rates per 100 000 (629.3) than non-Hispanics (856.5), variability across Hispanic subgroups is usually ignored and data are presented on the group as a whole.6 Puerto Ricans have higher age-adjusted all-cause death rates per 100 000 (766.2) than Mexican Americans (612.8), Cubans (524.1) and other Hispanics (761.8). The heterogeneity among Hispanic subgroups in terms of sociodemographic and health status is often lost owing to data aggregation. Therefore, to move forward our efforts to eliminate health disparities, the health of Hispanics deserves a look beyond the paradox. It is essential to explore the complexities of the sociodemographic dynamics operating within the different Hispanic subgroups and how these dynamics interact with social relationships in the United States to influence the life chances, health, and well-being of Hispanics.
| IMPLICATIONS OF RACIAL IDENTITY FOR HEALTH AND WELL-BEING |
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Although evidence suggests that the majority of Hispanics do not identify with the existing Year 2000 US Census racial categories,79 they were nonetheless asked to choose the best fit among the existing racial categories in the decennial census. (During the 2000 Census, 47.9% of Hispanics indicated they were White, 2% reported they were Black, 42.2% chose the "Some Other Race" category," 1.2% said they were American Indian, and less than 1% said they were Asian, Native Hawaiian, or Other Pacific Islander.) It is possible that categorizing Hispanics into the US Census racial categories channels them toward or away from opportunities and resources that may influence their life chances and, further, their health status. Thus, categorizing Hispanics within the racial categories Black or White could confer on them social-patterned experiences and exposures similar to those of non-Hispanic Blacks, thus affecting their health negatively and leading to disease, disability, and death. This could well be true for Puerto Ricans and Dominicans, Hispanic subgroups with strong African ancestry who are more likely to be identified as Black in everyday life in US society. Interestingly, disaggregate data show that Puerto Ricans exhibited the worst health profiles among Hispanics. Similarly, among Mexican Americans, those with dark skin or American Indian physical appearance are more likely to be discriminated against, receive less education, and hold occupations with lower prestige than their counterparts with lighter skin or a more European appearance.10
Moreover, racial categorization among Hispanics could depend on nativity status (US- vs foreign-born), length of stay in the United States, and language spoken. Hispanics who were born in the United States and those who were born outside the United States but who have been in the United States for a long time and who have a good command of the English language could be more likely to categorize themselves into the US racial categories because of their acculturation or assimilation into the mainstream society. Therefore, the idealized health advantage or so-called Hispanic paradox for certain health outcomes and mortality could be related to their racial categorization and the opportunities attached to race in our society.
Figure 1
was developed as a conceptual framework to aid in understanding the effect of race on Hispanics and its implications for health and well-being. This model includes 3 domains: individual, psychosocial, and contextual-level characteristics. It postulates that Hispanics, although they do not favor the category options they are given, nevertheless categorize themselves into the US Census categories (Black, White, or Some Other Race) on the basis of their perception of how US society sees and identifies them9; however, this categorization will depend on their generation in the United States, nativity status, years in the United States, and language spoken. This racial categorization will channel Hispanics toward different opportunities and disadvantages at the personal, psychosocial, and contextual levels. For example, ones categorization as Black or White will determine where one lives and ones access to or lack of opportunities that may lead to health or disease.
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| A NEW LOOK AT HISPANICS HEALTH |
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| Acknowledgments |
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Accepted for publication November 10, 2004.
| References |
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2. Freid VM, Prager K, Mackay AP, Xia H. Chartbook on Trends in the Health of Americans. Health, United States, 2003. Hyattsville, Md: National Center for Health Statistics; 2003.
3. Palloni A, Arias E. Paradox lost: explaining the Hispanic adult mortality advantage. Demography.2004;41(3): 385415.[CrossRef][ISI][Medline]
4. Hunt KJ, Williams K, Resendez RG, Hazuda HP, Haffner SM, Stern MP. All-cause and cardiovascular mortality among diabetic participants in the San Antonio Heart Study: evidence against the "Hispanic Paradox." Diabetes Care. 2002;25(9):15571563.
5. Patel KV, Eschbach K, Ray LA, Markides KS. Evaluation of mortality data for older Mexican Americans: implications for the Hispanic paradox. Am J Epidemiol.2004;159(7):707715.
6. Kochaneck KD, Murphy SL, Anderson RN. Deaths: final data for 2002. Natl Vital Stat Rep. October 12, 2004:53(5).
7. Rodriguez CE. Changing Race: Latinos, the Census, and the History of Ethnicity in the United States. New York, NY: New York University Press; 2000.
8. Rodriguez CE. Puerto Ricans: between black and white. New York Aff.1974;1(4):92101.
9. Rodriguez CE, Castro A, Garcia O, Torres A. Latino racial identity: in the eye of the beholder. Latino Stud J.1991;2(3):3348.
10. Arce CH, Murguia E, Frisbie WP. Phenotype and life chances among Chicanos. Hispanic J Behav Sci.1987;9(1): 1932.
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