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RESEARCH AND PRACTICE |
Jeff Niederdeppe and Matthew C. Farrelly are with RTI International, Research Triangle Park, NC. M. Lyndon Haviland is with the American Legacy Foundation, Washington, DC.
Correspondence: Requests for reprints should be sent to Jeff Niederdeppe, MA, RTI International, 3040 Cornwallis Rd, Research Triangle Park, NC 27612 (e-mail: jniederdeppe{at}rti.org).
| ABSTRACT |
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This study provides additional evidence that Floridas "truth" tobacco countermarketing campaign was successful in reducing smoking among Florida teens. Smoking rates were substantially lower among Florida teens between fall 2001 and spring 2002, whereas previous studies found that smoking rates were comparable before the launch of "truth." Florida teens had higher levels of "truth" campaign awareness and were more likely to agree with campaign-targeted beliefs; 2 of these beliefs were the only items associated with current smoking.
| INTRODUCTION |
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Published reports indicate that Florida teens and their national counterparts (excluding states with comprehensive programs) had comparable industry beliefs and smoking behavior before the launch of the Florida Tobacco Control Program (42.1% of Florida teens were lifetime smokers and 13.8% were current smokers; nationally, the figures were 40.7% and 12.6%, respectively).2 The national "truth" campaign, modeled closely after Floridas "truth" campaign and featuring a similar counterindustry message strategy, was debuted in early 2000 and was responsible for notable changes in beliefs about the tobacco industry and smoking intentions. However, the magnitude of effects was consistent across states.5 Thus, any differences observed in Florida in late 2000 and early 2001 are probably attributable to the efforts of the state campaign.
A possible campaign effect can be inferred if the following are found to exist: (1) campaign awareness was higher among Florida youths, (2) Florida youths held stronger campaign-targeted attitudes and beliefs, (3) nontargeted attitudes and beliefs were comparable among Florida teens and among teens nationwide, and (4) campaign-targeted attitudes and beliefs were strongly associated with smoking behavior among Florida teens.6
| METHODS |
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The LMTS measured current smoking, lifetime smoking, smoking intentions, and awareness of the "truth" campaign, antismoking groups, and school-based tobacco education. In addition, the LMTS asked youths how strongly they agreed or disagreed (on a 5-point scale) with a series of belief statements about cigarette companies and the social and physical effects of smoking. Belief items were recoded 1 ("agree" or "strongly agree") or 0 (all other responses) for logistic regression analysis (reverse coded where noted).
We began by comparing Florida and national teens on smoking intentions and behavior and contrast levels of program awareness. Next, we compared levels of agreement with 4 beliefs about cigarette companies and 8 beliefs about the social and physical effects of smoking. We tested the independent associations between specific beliefs and current smoking, controlling for demographics and other known predictors of smoking, using logistic regression.
| RESULTS |
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| DISCUSSION |
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It is impossible to determine whether changes in beliefs preceded changes in smoking behavior owing to the cross-sectional nature of this study, and the magnitude of differences in industry beliefs between Florida teens and teens nationwide was relatively small compared with the magnitude of differences in current smoking. However, a recent longitudinal study found that Florida teens with high levels of counterindustry attitudes were 4 times less likely to initiate smoking, and more than 13 times less likely to become established smokers, than were teens with low levels of counterindustry attitudes.7 In addition, the success of a Massachusetts antitobacco campaign in reducing the likelihood of smoking uptake by 50% among 12- to 13-year-olds also suggests that countermarketing campaigns can reduce youth smoking substantially.8 These studies suggest that industry beliefs can precede changes in behavior, and they imply that the magnitude of differences in industry beliefs observed in the LMTS could lead to the observed differences in smoking behavior.
| Acknowledgments |
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We thank Terry Pechacek and Jeffrey McKenna for inspiring this analysis and David Sly for his contributions to the design of the survey questionnaire and methodology. We are also grateful to Don Akin for sample design and variance estimation and to Susan Murchie for editorial review.
Human Participant Protection
All questionnaires and consent forms were reviewed and approved by RTI Internationals institutional review board (MPA M-1496).
| Footnotes |
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Accepted for publication June 19, 2003.
| References |
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2. Sly DF, Heald GR, Ray S. The Florida "truth" anti-tobacco media evaluation: design, first year results, and implications for planning future state media evaluations. Tob Control. 2001;10:915.
3. Sly DF, Hopkins RS, Trapido E, Ray S. Influence of a counteradvertising media campaign on initiation of smoking: the Florida "truth" campaign. Am J Public Health. 2001;91:233238.[Abstract]
4. Givel MS, Glantz SA. Failure to defend a successful state tobacco control program: policy lessons from Florida. Am J Public Health. 2000;90:762767.
5. Farrelly MC, Healton CH, Davis KC, Messeri P, Hersey JC, Haviland ML. Getting to the truth: evaluating national tobacco countermarketing campaigns. Am J Public Health. 2002;92:901907.
6. Hornik RC, ed. Public Health Communication: Evidence for Behavior Change. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum; 2002.
7. Sly DF, Trapido E, Ray S. Evidence of the dose effects of an antitobacco counteradvertising campaign. Prev Med. 2002;35:511518.[ISI][Medline]
8. Siegel M, Biener L. The impact of an antismoking media campaign on progression to established smoking: results of a longitudinal youth study. Am J Public Health. 2000;90:380386.
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