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REVIEWING THE EVIDENCE |
Susan C. Saegert is with the Department of Psychology, City University of New York (CUNY) Graduate Center, New York City. Susan Klitzman and Nicholas Freudenberg are with the Program in Urban Public Health, Hunter College, CUNY, New York City. Jana Cooperman-Mroczek is a doctoral student in the Department of Psychology, CUNY Graduate Center. Salwa Nassar is with the Center on AIDS, Drugs, and Community Health, Hunter College.
Correspondence: Requests for reprints should be sent to Susan Saegert, Director, Center for Human Environments, City University of New York Graduate Center, 365 Fifth Ave, New York, NY 10016 (e-mail: ssaegert{at}gc.cuny.edu).
| ABSTRACT |
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We sought to characterize and to evaluate the success of current public health interventions related to housing.
Two reviewers contentanalyzed 72 articles selected from 12 electronic databases of US interventions from 1990 to 2001. Ninety-two percent of the interventions addressed a single condition, most often lead poisoning, injury, or asthma. Fifty-seven percent targeted children, and 13% targeted seniors. The most common intervention strategies employed a one-time treatment to improve the environment; to change behavior, attitudes, or knowledge; or both. Most studies reported statistically significant improvements, but few (14%) were judged extremely successful.
Current interventions are limited by narrow definitions of housing and health, by brief time spans, and by limited geographic and social scales. An ecological paradigm is recommended as a guide to more effective approaches.
| INTRODUCTION |
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Renewed interest in housing parallels a growing interest in ecological approaches to the study of complex health problems and an examination of the social determinants of health and the causes of persistent socioeconomic, racial, and ethnic disparities in health.9,10 Several recent reports have demonstrated the value of considering multilevel (e.g., individual, family, social network, community, state) determinants of a variety of health outcomes.1114 Public health advocates have emphasized the importance of creating interventions that address these influences on health15,16 and of utilizing ecological approaches that seek changes in both the physical and the social environment, at various levels of organization.
Applied to housing, the ecological approach suggests the importance of looking at characteristics of and interactions among residents, housing units, buildings, blocks, and neighborhoods, as well as housing owners, policies, and institutions that provide or regulate housing and health, to understand their contributions to population health. It also suggests that environmental factors interact with psychosocial variables at several levels to produce different patterns of health and disease.17
In this report, we assess the extent to which published studies of interventions designed to improve health by modifying housing reflect these new insights. This study differs from another recent review of the effect of improved housing on health18 in several ways: (1) we focused on a wider range of housing interventions, (2) we used an ecological paradigm that includes behavior at different levels as producers of both housing conditions and health outcomes, and (3) we restricted the database to US studies over 10 years. Our goals were to
| IDENTIFYING HOUSING-BASED HEALTH INTERVENTIONS |
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The following key words were used, in various combinations, in the search: asbestos, asthma, allergens (housing-related), cockroaches, child health, dampness, depression, environmental health, falls, formaldehyde, fungi, health, home, housing, infectious disease, intervention, injuries, lead poisoning, mental health, moisture, mold, morbidity, prevention, rodents, stress, and vermin.
The criteria for inclusion in this study were housing interventions to improve health, conducted in the United States and published in peer-reviewed journals between January 1990 and December 2001. Housing interventions were defined as intentional, systematic efforts to improve residential conditions, either directly or indirectly, through 1 or more of the following measures: rehousing (moving to new housing); changes in physical infrastructure; changes in indoor equipment or furniture; changes in participants knowledge or behavior; changes in community norms or collective behavior; changes in housing policy and regulatory practices; and changes in health practitioners behavior related to housing effects on health. To be included, studies had to describe both the intervention and the evaluation.
Interventions involving persons diagnosed with conditions that were not directly related to housingfor example, HIV infection, schizophrenia (but not depression)were excluded. Interventions directed at homeless populations were also excluded because they have been reviewed elsewhere.1922
From the database search, a total of 3204 titles were generated. Of these, 258 were deemed to be potentially eligible, based on the title or abstract. The full articles were then retrieved and carefully reviewed to determine whether they fit the inclusion criteria. The bibliographies of these articles were also searched to identify additional relevant articles. This process yielded a total of 72 housing studies designed to improve health or designed for another purpose but including health as a measurable outcome. Of the 72 studies, 3 interventions were included twice but were related to different outcome measures.
Interventions that met the criteria for inclusion were coded, using an instrument adapted from a similar project.16 At least 2 of the authors carefully reviewed each of the articles identified by the searches. At least 3 authors discussed and resolved disagreements among the 2 primary reviewers. All coding was based on the authors account. When the article was not clear about a particular coding category, at least 3 reviewers assigned the categories based on a close reading of the text.
| THE NATURE OF HOUSINGHEALTH INTERVENTIONS |
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Sponsorship, staff, and funding characteristics are described in Table 2
. Colleges and universities, medical centers, and health departments were the most frequent lead or co-sponsors. Almost three quarters of the studies reported receiving full or partial funding from governmental sources. Among public funders, the federal government predominated (47%) over state or local sources (11%). Funding was more likely to be health-related (58%) than housing-related (10%) or environmentally related (6%). Many interventions were staffed by multidisciplinary teams, comprising health care providers (44%), housing or environmental specialists (35%), health educators (15%), and community residents or community health workers (18%).
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Most interventions focused narrowly on a particular health or exposure condition, in part because of the specificity of public policies (as in the case of lead or firearms storage) and funding streams (as indicated in authors acknowledgments to funders). Many public health interventions focused on specific technologies or diseases. In comparison, rehousing17,26,27 or home visit interventions25,2830 emphasized well-being, broadly defined, suggesting disciplinary and methodological differences in conceptions of how housing affects health. Many authors reported that budgetary and administrative constraints on interventions and analyses also played a part in narrowing the focus of interventions.
| EVALUATION CHARACTERISTICS |
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| QUALITIES OF SUCCESSFUL INTERVENTIONS |
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| LIMITATIONS OF RESEARCH |
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| STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES OF INTERVENTION LITERATURE |
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Few studies provided detailed information on the content of interventions or provided adequate contextual information (e.g., race/ethnicity and socioeconomic status of the target population were unspecified in more than half the studies), limiting generalizability. Most studies measured only the outcomes of interventions, not the processes that led to them, thus limiting their utility for designing other interventions or replication. As noted in another recent review, although several studies showed gains in individual health outcomes, confidence in findings is limited by small study populations and lack of controlling for confounders.18
| TOWARD ECOLOGICAL INTERVENTIONS |
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This principle is illustrated in several of the successful home visit interventions, in which the home was seen as an important setting in which multiple health-related behaviors occur and that potentially contains both health-promoting and hazardous elements. These interventions25,2830 support changes in the physical environment and the recipients behavior within the context of the habits, abilities, and life goals of the individual and the family. For example, the Department of Housing and Urban Developments Moving to Opportunity demonstration project showed that families who moved away from public housing found better dwelling conditions and safer neighborhoods, leading to less crime victimization, injury, and asthma attacks among children.17,26,27 These findings suggest that interventions could lead to more significant environmental and health effects if they were directed toward the broader goals of decent and affordable housing for all households and better opportunities for human development.
Ecological interventions are conceived as functional relationships among professionals, household members, communities, and political units. Some successful injury-reduction interventions illustrate this approach by connecting elderly participants more closely with supportive friends and family who reinforced the training and provided social rewards.25,30 Only a few interventions incorporated participatory approaches, in which various stakeholders join in identifying goals, implementing research, and interpreting findings.4446
Apart from these examples, most studies intervened on single, individual-level factors, in isolation; examined only 1 or 2 levels of social organization; and failed to use the more sophisticated analytic techniques such as multilevel modeling to understand the separate influences of different levels of analysis and interactions among levels.47 These omissions may account, in part, for the lack of sustained improvements in, for example, interventions to eliminate cockroaches and rodents. Because many studies failed to examine the effectiveness of interventions over time, ecological constraints on the long-term efficacy of other interventions may have gone undetected.
By and large, the studies do not evaluate the multiple pathways by which housing influences health, comparing, for example, the relative roles of the physical and social environment in housing-related health problems. Consequently, there is now no way of assessing the value of, say, individual-level-only versus policy-only versus multilevel interventions. Nor is it possible to compare the effectiveness of housing versus other healthpromoting interventions (e.g., dietary changes, alcohol and tobacco reduction). Such comparative studies might help policymakers decide how best to invest limited resources.
| FROM EFFICACY TO EFFECTIVENESS |
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| CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS |
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More ecologically grounded interventions should be tested to increase efficacy and overcome the limitations identified in this review and in the epidemiological literature.16,42,4951 The interdisciplinary nature of the ecological paradigm52 requires understanding the cultural and socioeconomic dynamics of housing markets and housing production that affect housing access, quality, costs, ownership forms, and settlement patterns and have implications for physical health, psychosocial well-being, and the interaction of physical and psychosocial health.17,53 Intervention and evaluation strategies developed in other fields may have useful applications for public health in addressing multilevel phenomena.54,55 At the same time, it must be acknowledged that multilevel interventions can be difficult to implement, be more costly in the short run, and require more time to address the concerns of the multiple stakeholders. Public health leadership may be needed to gain support for this approach.
In conclusion, this review of the literature demonstrates that it is possible to design and carry out interventions that can lead to improved health by making changes in housing-related conditions. The successes and limitations of these efforts provide a foundation for designing a more systematic and coordinated research agenda that can inform the next generation of studies. By incorporating ecological approaches and health-promotion principles, future studies may be able to make additional improvements in housing conditions that lead to better health.
| Footnotes |
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Accepted for publication May 6, 2003.
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