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MODELS FOR POPULATION HEALTH |
Sholom Glouberman is with the Kunin-Lunenfeld Applied Research Unit, Baycrest Centre for Geriatric Care, Toronto, Ontario, Canada. John Millar is with the Canadian Institute for Health Information, Ottawa, Ontario.
Correspondence: Requests for reprints should be sent to Sholom Glouberman, PhD, Baycrest Centre for Geriatric Care, Room 752, Posluns Building, 3560 Bathurst St, Toronto, Ontario, M6A 2E1, Canada (e-mail: sholom{at}glouberman.com).
| ABSTRACT |
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The history of health determinants in Canada influenced both the direction of data gathering about population health and government policies designed to improve health. Two competing movements marked these changes.
The idea of health promotion grew out of the 1974 Lalonde report, which recognized that determinants of health went beyond traditional public health and medical care, and argued for the importance of socioeconomic factors. Research on health inequalities was led by the Canadian Institute for Advanced Research in the 1980s, which produced evidence of health inequalities along socioeconomic lines and argued for policy efforts in early child development.
Both movements have shaped current information gathering and the policies that have come to be labeled "population health."
| INTRODUCTION |
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McKeown was a professor of social medicine at the University of Birmingham in England during the establishment of Britains National Health Service. The services original promise of universal health care coverage to improve population health and eventually reduce demand on services was not fulfilled; increased access to medical services resulted in increased demand. McKeown argued that there were a large number of influences on health apart from traditional public health and medical services and that these influences should be considered in framing health policy and in any efforts to improve the health of the population.3
| HEALTH PROMOTION |
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Determinants of Health
To the best of our knowledge, McKeown was the first to use the term "determinants of health."4 The Lalonde report identified 4 major components of the health field concept: human biology, health care systems, environment, and lifestyle.1(pp3134) In addition, it proposed health education and social marketing as the tools to persuade people to adopt healthier lifestyles.
Health promotion advocates quickly recognized that an excessive emphasis on lifestyle could lead to a "blame the victim" mentality. Smoking, for example, was not merely a matter of personal choice but also a function of ones social environment. As a result, physical and social environments were differentiated, with growing emphasis placed on the latter. By 1996, as more distinctions and additions occurred, the 4 determinants of health described in the Lalonde report had grown to 12.5
The Lalonde report called attention to the existing fragmentation in terms of responsibility for health. "Under the Health Field Concept, the fragments are brought together into a unified whole which allows everyone to see the importance of all factors including those which are the responsibility of others."1(pp3334) The report was ahead of its time in identifying the need for intersectoral collaboration and recognizing that multiple interventionsa combination of research, health education, social marketing, community development, and legislative and healthy public policy approachesare needed to properly address the determinants of health.
Policy Response
As did earlier movements, health promotion promised to prevent illness and reduce the ever-increasing demands for and costs of health care services: "If the incidence of sickness can be reduced by prevention then the cost of present services will go down, or at least the rate of increase will diminish."1(p37) Governments, concerned by the escalating costs of health care, gratefully received and largely adopted the recommendations of the Lalonde report.6(p8) Table 1
presents a list of important dates in the development of health promotion in Canada.
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Comments
Multiple interventions in the area of Canadian health promotion, including public policies and legislation, had positive outcomes:
During the late 1980s, the health promotion movement adopted a "settings" approach focused on improving health in schools, workplaces, and communities. "Empowerment" became a central concept in the promotion of good health. This approach emphasized processes more than outcomes, and while it enjoyed a certain degree of success (notably in the healthy communities and cities movements, which continue to function in some jurisdictions), the lack of measurable outcomes and means of evaluating program effectiveness attracted substantial criticism.
During the early 1990s, when increasing health care expenditures led governments to seek ways to cut health care spending, health promotion came under negative scrutiny. First, health promotion policies did not generate the anticipated savings in health care costs because new therapeutic and diagnostic technologies inexorably drove costs up. Second, health promotion messages were better received among the more advantaged sectors of society, and consequently inequities in certain risk behaviors (e.g., tobacco use8) actually worsened.
Third, other unexpected developments resulted in new problems. Although people exercised more, they also spent more time watching television and driving in vehicles, and while the nature of their diet improved, they ate more. Similarly, after an initial decline, smoking rates leveled off at about 25%.7 Finally, there was a growing perception that health promotion delivered inadequate "bang for the buck," especially as certain programs (e.g., Participaction), after initial successes, failed to make continued improvements. Price Waterhouse was hired to evaluate the federal health promotion program in 1989. They drew the negative conclusion that "the paradigm which envisages health as the product of anything and everything does not readily lend itself to being actioned."12
| INEQUALITIES IN HEALTH RESEARCH |
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Similar to Laframboise and his staff, Fraser Mustard and researchers at CIAR were influenced by Thomas McKeown. McKeown had argued that health gains achieved in the 19th and 20th centuries were largely attributable to reduced family sizes and better nutrition. CIAR and others extended this analysis to identify social and economic factors that had powerful effects on the health of individuals and communities or nations.15
The authors of Why Are Some People Healthy and Others Not?2 used epidemiological evidence to explain how different factors influence health, and they concluded that social and economic environments have a far stronger impact on health than individual behaviors. Several other studies reached similar conclusions.
The term population health, introduced by Mustard and CIAR, was for some time the subject of debate. In the end, Health Canada and many provincial governments assumed the term for a large part of their health promotion activity, although the main emphasis was not on reducing inequalities in health. Recently, researchers focusing on health inequalities have attempted to incorporate many of the principles of health promotion, and population health is increasingly being used to refer to a more unified approach. These researchers argue that not all determinants of health are of equal importance; for instance, Marmot and others emphasize a subset of determinants that link such areas as control over work to health status.14
Policy Response
The health promotion movement stressed that intersectoral collaboration was necessary if policies were to deal with the many determinants of health. In Canada, there are initiatives that can be traced to these combined ideas regarding population health. Many of them have been initiated through the Canadian system of joint federal provincial/territorial committees.
Information Systems
Regular reports on population health and the determinants of health are now published at the regional, provincial, and national levels (e.g., the Capital Health annual report,32 the annual report on the health of British Columbians,33 the report on the health of Canadians,7 and the Maclean health reports34). In addition, several large, linked (and, in some cases, longitudinal) databases have been established nationally as well as in British Columbia, Manitoba, and Quebec, providing powerful sources for population health research. The Canadian Community Health Survey (formerly the National Population Health Survey) has been enhanced to provide more locally relevant data. The National Longitudinal Study on Children and Youth, funded by Human Resources Development Canada, is another important source of data for understanding population health and developing new policies. Finally, the Canadian Institute for Health Information, in partnership with Statistics Canada, has developed a population health indicators framework, as shown in Figure 1
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Comments
There is a great deal of interest, activity, and resources being deployed in pursuit of population health concepts. To some extent, this is due to the "bandwagon" effect that has surrounded the term population health. Despite several modest successes (e.g., in the areas of tobacco use and child development), however, the population health approach, while providing a deeper understanding of socioeconomic gradients in health status, has not yet resulted in adequate corresponding policy development to effectively reduce inequalities in health.
In the mid-1970s to mid-1980s, during the period of the Lalonde report and the Ottawa charter, Canada was among the countries leading the world in health promotion. Over the past decade, as the public dialogue has been dominated by concerns about the costs and delivery of health care services, inadequate attention has been paid to important emerging health issues, especially those that relate to inequalities. For example, family poverty, epidemic obesity, early childhood development, and aboriginal health are major health issues for which there is no coordinated national plan. In the meantime, countries such as the United Kingdom and Sweden have developed plans to address many of these issues and others such as teenage pregnancy, education, unemployment, access to health care, housing, and crime. These plans have been achieved through the involvement of other government departments such as education, justice, economic development, finance, housing, and social security.
Recently several Canadian health commissions3538 have emphasized the importance of addressing the determinants of health and incorporating population health concepts and approaches into the health care system so as to improve the health of individuals and communities and reduce inequities. The Commission on the Future of Health Care38 will soon release its recommendations for improving the public health care system. This should clear the way for the public and policymakers to turn their attention toward some of the neglected health issues mentioned here. With effective political leadership, collaborative efforts between different sectors (government, the private sector, voluntary organizations), and the development of policies based on the best available evidence, Canada may once again join the countries leading the way in health promotion and population health.
| Footnotes |
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Accepted for publication September 9, 2002.
| References |
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